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With the presidential election in sight, Jews are starting to salivate over the prospect of a post-Trump Republican party. The New York Times has an article on the subject, written by Jew David Brooks (who once admitted that Jews had taken over America, whose son served in the Israeli Defense Force and who sometimes affects to be a Christian convert).
Brooks writes for the Times:
The intellectual future of conservatism will be wrestled over at a series of forums at the Center for Social, Cultural and Constitutional Studies at the American Enterprise Institute that are being organized by Yuval Levin, a scholar there. Right now, the various factions are exchanging sarcastic one-liners on Twitter. Levin is bringing the players together. “People should be talking to each other, not about each other,” he told me.
So the debate on the intellectual future of American “conservatism” will be presided over by an Israeli Jew (Levin was born in Haifa).
Levin thinks the prevailing post-Trump viewpoints define the problem too much in economic terms. The crucial problem, he argues, is not economic; it’s social: alienation. Millions of Americans don’t feel part of anything they can trust. They feel no one is looking out for them. Trump was a false answer to their desire for social solidarity, but the desire can be a force for good.
“What’s needed,” Levin says, “is not just to expand economic conservatism beyond growth to also prioritize family, community and nation, but also to expand social conservatism beyond sexual ethics and religious liberty to prioritize family, community and nation. The coalition can be a powerful political force again if its different wings converge on these priorities, without each giving up on its longstanding aims.”
Jews have picked up on a sense of besieged ethnic consciousness growing among white people and are troubled by it. They want to divert it into what, for them, are harmless directions, such as local community pride and gung-ho patriotism for the “proposition nation.”
Brooks reviews the various post-Trump possibilities on offer, pointedly ignoring the Tucker Carlson nuclear option. To the potential shapers of the Republic Party’s future – whom he lists as Ben Sasse, Tom Cotton, Marco Rubio and Josh Hawley – there is one point Brooks desperately feels the need to drive home: that future must be multi-ethnic in orientation.
But over the long term, some version of Working-Class Republicanism will redefine the G.O.P. In the first place, that’s where Republican voters are. When push comes to shove, Republican politicians are going to choose their voters over their donor class.
Second, the working-class emphasis is the only way out of the demographic doom loop. If the party sticks with its old white high school-educated base, it will die. They just aren’t making enough old white men. To have any shot of surviving as a major party, the G.O.P. has to build a cross-racial alliance among working-class whites, working-class Hispanics and some working-class Blacks.
None of this works unless Republicans can deracialize their appeal — by which I mean they must stop pandering to the racists in the party and stop presenting themselves and seeing themselves as the party of white people — and wage a class struggle between diverse workers in their coalition and the highly educated coastal manager and professional class in the Democratic coalition.
Whatever the future of the Republican party, it must be Kalergi-compatible. Jew Central Command is probably already preparing contingency plans in case Tucker decides to cross the Rubicon and take the fight to Zion.
