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Sven Longshanks
Daily Stormer
July 27, 2015
Aljazeera have produced a feature article on regular site contributor and Trad Youth leader Matthew Heimbach.
Apart from paying him a rather back-handed compliment by calling him ‘the little fuhrer’ it is not too bad, overall.
They make a point of saying he was trying to get to Syria to help Assad, but neglect to mention that Syria has a nationalist regime and was also the birthplace of Christianity.
Although Heimbach says he is not a National Socialist, he does make it clear later on in the interview that he is a fascist.
Late at night on June 17, after he and his wife had gone to bed, Matthew Heimbach’s phone rang on his nightstand. On the other end of the line was a man from the South Carolina field office of the FBI. The man asked Heimbach if he knew a man called Dylann Roof and, if so, if he knew where Roof was. Heimbach told the officer that he had never heard of Roof and wondered what the call was about. Without explaining further, the officer thanked him and hung up.
“That’s when things got weird,” Heimbach says. Soon calls were coming in from associates who had all gotten similar calls from the FBI, and they were all now wondering the same thing: Who was Dylann Roof, and why hadn’t any of them heard of him until tonight?
“None of us had ever even heard the name Dylann Roof before,” Heimbach says. “Now he was all anyone was talking about.”
Heimbach is the leader and founder of the Traditionalist Youth Network, a nationalist high school and college organization that, according to its website, aims to speak against “the united voices of decadence, individualism, Marxism and modernity.” While the group claims to accept members from diverse ethnic and religious backgrounds, he and his comrades have been called Nazi sympathizers and white supremacists. The Southern Poverty Law Center once labeled him the Little Fuhrer, a charge he found ridiculous because he is not a National Socialist. This, presumably, was why, when a white supremacist gunned down nine congregants in a historically black church in Charleston, the FBI called him.
In the days after the massacre, everyone was trying to figure out why no one had heard of Roof before. The incident sent shockwaves through American far right communities, in which everyone seemed completely baffled as to who Roof was. To many, that fact alone was proof enough of a false flag operation: an operation orchestrated by the federal government to either — depending on whom you ask — malign and break the far right movement in America or provide an excuse to disarm American patriots in order to bring about a Barack Obama–led socialist Islamic police state. Heimbach wondered how he could have missed Roof’s online presence and, had he known about him, if there was something he could have done to channel his violent impulses into political action.
“We need to use the tools that we have,” he says from behind the wheel of his silver 2001 Toyota Corolla, which he named Serenity after the spaceship in the sci-fi TV show “Firefly.” It was mid-July, a couple of weeks after he returned from Charleston, where he laid down flowers at the site of the massacre. “We live in a political system, and if you want to effect change, the way to go about that needs to be political. Violence is never right.”
Nationalism is the belief that nationality and ethnicity is or should be one and the same. White nationalists espouse white separatism and often, but far from always, the superiority of the white race over others. In that context, Heimbach is somewhat of an iconoclast on the American nationalist scene, at times seeming to identify more with the black power ideology of the Black Panthers or the political savvy of Hamas and Hezbollah than with neo-Nazis, Klansmen and skinheads.
He became known in 2012 when he founded the White Student Union, a white pride organization that patrolled the Towson University campus in Maryland to protect students from a perceived wave of black-on-white crime. Since then, he has proved adept at angering anti-racists and racists equally. At an annual conference for Stormfront, one of the world’s largest white nationalist online forums, in November last year, he managed to get himself barred from all future Stormfront events by giving a speech titled “Death to America,” in which he called for nothing short of the complete dismantling of the United States.
“I support white power, black power, brown power and yellow power,” Heimbach says. “All races should be the dominant political force in their region. That is why America needs to be divided into smaller, ethnically and culturally homogenous states. In countries where races are mixed, one race will always dominate the others. That is why we need separation. Not because the white race is better than the black race. We need to stop the hate and separate.”
Still, for all his talk about respect for other races, his politics, like most others on the far right, has a prominent streak of anti-Semitism. He firmly believes that the Jews are working diligently behind the scenes to eradicate the white race, faith and culture. “We can’t win against them by arguing,” he said at the Stormfront conference. “You can’t out-Jew the Jew. It’s like playing chess with a pigeon. No matter how good you are at chess, eventually someone’s going to knock the board over and poop on it. Let’s stop worrying about out-Jewing them or outsmarting them. Let’s just stand for what we believe in, which is faith, family and folk — the three things that make us a nation.”
Serenity speeds over one of the many bridges spanning the Ohio River and into Ohio, where Heimbach and his wife live. In his view, it makes sense to create the enclaves according to whatever racial makeup is already there. That is why Cincinnati, with its roughly 70 percent black residents, will be ceded to black people. Ditto Atlanta. The bridge is one of the most decrepit in the country and is in dire need of repair. “This is what I’m talking about,” he says. He recently founded the Traditional Workers Party, and he is running a candidate for City Council in nearby New Carlile, Ohio, a town that he says has been devastated by bad government and immigrant workers.
“Blue-collar white workers and white poor people don’t have anyone to speak for them, and right now they are being screwed by the system. Our platform is bringing any troops not involved in humanitarian aid back home and spending the money on infrastructure projects. We want to train a new workforce. Americans need work right now, and fixing that includes shutting down all immigration. Whether you’re from Switzerland or Guadalajara, there needs to be a full and complete moratorium on immigration for at least 25 years.”
It is in the white and poor communities of Appalachia that Heimbach believes his constituents are, and since they are overwhelmingly white and Christian, it is also there that he believes the future of white Americans is. Whereas the nationalist movement in the U.S. traditionally believes that America once was and should again be a white nation, he sees this as not only historically incorrect but also impossible to achieve. To him, black Americans are as American as white Americans, and the notion of repatriating them to some African homeland is, as he put it, “retarded.”
He was born in Poolesville, Maryland, in 1991. As a child, he was precocious and fond of reading, a hobby that he says made high school rough. His dad was a history teacher, and Heimbach became engrossed in history. On his 13th birthday, his parents gave him $100, and he spent it all on books about the two world wars.
“I was a huge nerd,” he says. As he got older, he got into Pat Buchanan and started thinking about the decline of Western culture. He read two Buchanan books,“Suicide of a Superpower” and “Death of the West,” and became interested in demographics and how it informed the culture wars.
“I was a paleocon,” he says. “When I moved to Baltimore, I began reading Samuel Huntington and suddenly understood how white flight affected America and how our culture is dying. I started discussing these things with people and found that most people who disagreed with me used emotions and not facts. The facts I had were irrefutable, and I realized that if people get this angry, I just might be onto something. If something enrages people, it is probably worth saying.”
He and his friends at Towson founded a chapter of the now defunct nonprofit Youths for Western Civilization and went to work persuading their fellow students about the end of white culture. They picketed speakers and organizations that they disagreed with and once held an affirmative action bake sale, in which cookies were $2 for whites, $1.50 for Hispanics and $1 for blacks. When they went around campus chalking “white pride” on the sidewalks, the school had enough and disbanded the chapter, and Heimbach formed the White Student Union instead.
“What is America?” Heimbach says as he pulls into a Waffle House on the outskirts of Cincinnati to pick up Tony and Scott, friends of his who are also party members. The members of the Traditional Workers Party often meet at the Waffle House, he explains, because of their love of brinner, or breakfast food for dinner.
