Cameron’s Cabinet Bloodbath and the Pedophile Cover-Up

Nick Griffin
July 21, 2014

Leon Brittan’s paedophilia, the subject of a historical Private Eye cover.

The unexpected resignation of the warmongering Foreign Secretary William Hague is of course welcome. But does the timing of Hague’s departure hold clues as to why he’s gone?

This website has previously highlighted the facts of Hague’s close connection with his former flatmate, Alan Duncan, the openly gay Tory MP who Hague used to run the secret Foreign Office team that worked with oil-trading giant Vitol to help fund the jihadist rebels who overthrew Libya’s President Gadhafi and plunged his once stable country in chaos.

Hague was introduced to Tory politics as a precocious 16 year-old. He was groomed for high office early on and was a long-term associate of Leon Brittan, even ‘inheriting’ his seat in the Commons, Richmond in North Yorkshire.

Rumours have swirled around Brittan for decades, as is shown by this old cover of Private Eye. More recently, of course, it is Brittan who is now exposed as having ‘forgotten’ about the VIP paedophile dossier handed to him by campaigning Conservative MP Geoffrey Dickens.


Young William went on to share a flat with Alan Duncan, not just once but actually moving with him several times. One of the flats later used by Hague was in the notorious Dolphin Square complex, where residents have spoken of finding young rent boys wandering around lost and asking for the addresses of one or other of the number of MPs who live there.

In the 1990′s the now-defunct Scallywag journal, published details of a vile boy brothel being used there by politicians and other VIPs. Details are, fortunately, still easily found online.

In early September 2010, a number of newspapers including The Daily Telegraph, The Independent and Daily Mail published stories about the fallout from allegations surrounding Hague’s friendship with 25-year-old Christopher Myers, a history graduate from Durham University whom he employed as a parliamentary special adviser. A spokesperson stated that “Any suggestion that the Foreign Secretary’s relationship with Chris Myers is anything other than a purely professional one is wholly inaccurate and unfounded.”

On 1 September 2010, Myers resigned from his position in the light of the press allegations. The media stories led Hague to make a public statement, in which he confirmed that he had “occasionally” shared a hotel room with Myers, but described as “utterly false” suggestions that he had ever been involved in a relationship with any man.

A spokesperson for the Prime Minister, David Cameron, reported that he offered his “full support” over the media rumours. However, a number of figures from both within and without the Conservative Party criticised Hague for his personal response to the stories. Former Conservative leadership candidate John Redwood suggested that Hague showed “poor judgement”,] whilst Labour-supporting Speaker’s wife Sally Bercow commented that Hague had been give “duff PR advice”. Hague’s political colleague and long-term friend, the Conservative MP and government minister Alan Duncan, described the media coverage as “contemptible”.

Now, if Hague was introduced to homosexuality as a vulnerable and starstruck young boy in the thoroughly abnormal atmosphere of the Tory party hierarchy, that would actually make him a victim rather than a perpetrator. And if any MP, or anyone else for that matter, happens to swing both ways then it’s really no business of anyone else.

But what Hague, Duncan and the rest of the neo-con Tory party did in Libya and then Syria was criminal, and if a secret sex-partners ring in some way assisted them in their conspiracy to use British arms and power to destabilise the Middle East (and Russia, for that matter) in pursuit of the neo-con Project for the New American Century agenda, then such ‘private’ affairs take on a very public significance.

Anti-Russian ‘Gay Mafia’

It is certainly true that the gentile intellectual element of the neo-con movement involves a vastly disproportionate number of young homosexual intellectuals, and it also appears that part of the reason for their eager adoption of the anti-Russian agenda of their US/Zionist paymasters is their belief that Putin’s stance against homosexual propagandising of Russian children means that he is ‘anti-gay’.

Similarly, while what politicians get up to in private is their own affair, if we find closet homosexuals or their close and possibly straight friends involved in decisions which look to an objective observer like cover-ups for the (disproportionately large) paedophile wing of the homosexual movement in a succession of care home scandals, then what was purely a private matter again becomes of huge public importance.

Collectively, the British Establishment not only failed the mainly female victims of Muslim grooming gangs, but also the huge numbers of young boys who were abused in children’s homes from Rochdale to Bryn Alyn and Bryn Estyn to Haute de la Garonne in Jersey.

Jimmy Saville with Margaret Thatcher

Cover up

There is, for example, not a shred of doubt that various high ranking Tories colluded to cover up the fact that Peter Morrison MP, Thatcher’s close friend  and aide was named by children in the North Wales children’s homes as being a  child abuser linked to an elite  paedophile ring.

In 1996, Hague, the then Secretary of State for Wales, ordered a Tribunal of Inquiry into allegations of hundreds of cases of child abuse in care homes in former county council areas of Clwyd and Gwynedd between 1974 and 1990. Sir Ronald Waterhouse QC, a retired High Court judge, was appointed to head the inquiry.

The inquiry began in January 1997. The tribunal sat for 203 days, and heard evidence directly from 250 witnesses. The volume of evidence taken and the serious of allegations within, led to a 12-month delay in publication of the report to the Welsh Secretary until October 1999. The final report ran to over 500,000 words, and contained 700 allegations of abuse involving 170 individuals

The findings were published in February 2000, as Lost In Care – The Waterhouse Report. The report concluded that there was: “Widespread sexual abuse of boys occurred in children’s residential establishments in Clwyd between 1974 and 1990. There were some incidents of sexual abuse of girl residents in these establishments but they were comparatively rare.”

As well as physical abuse and the unacceptable use of force,[11] there was “widespread sexual abuse, including buggery.” The public version of the report named and criticised almost 200 people, for either abusing children or failing to offer them sufficient protection. Although it identified 28 alleged perpetrators, many names were redacted due to either pending prosecutions or lack of evidence.

The report stated:

“The evidence before us has disclosed that for many children who were consigned to Bryn Estyn, in the 10 or so years of its existence as a community home, it was a form of purgatory or worse from which they emerged more damaged than when they had entered and for whom the future had become even more bleak.”

Supressed report

Throughout that time, neither Hague nor any other high-ranking Minister of any party made any attempt to force the publication of the long-supressed Jillings Report. This had been commissioned in March 1994 by Clwyd County Council and was undertaken by a panel headed by John Jillings, a former director of social services with Derbyshire County Council. The panel of Jillings, Professor Jane Tunstall and Gerrilyn Smith met with considerable opposition:

The then newly appointed North Wales Chief Constable refused to meet them or help with access to the police major-incident database.  This resulted in the need to collect 70 duplicate and additional witness statements.

130 boxes of material handed over by the council to the police were not made available to the panel.

The council did not allow the inquiry to place a notice in the local press seeking information. “This was considered to be unacceptable to the insurers”, says the final report.

The Jillings Report stated that allegations involving famous names and paedophile rings were beyond its remit, and something best addressed at a potential later public inquiry. But it did record that it found a child care system in which physical and sexual violence were common, from beatings and bullying, to indecent assault and rape. Children who complained of abuse were not believed, or were punished for making false allegations.

The report stated that the number of children who were abused is not clear, but estimates range up to 200; in the early 1990s, around 150 had sought compensation. At least 12 former residents were found to have died from unnatural causes.

The final report was not published because of concerns over libel, and legal advice and concerns from the council’s insurers, Municipal Mutual Insurance, which warned that the report would encourage court cases and compensation claims. The report also states that Municipal Mutual suggested that the then chair of the council’s social services committee, Malcolm King, be sacked if he spoke out.


Mr King finally did break his silence in 2012, when he stated that “Because it was suppressed, the lessons of the Jillings report were not learned. It was the exchange of financial safety for the safety of real people. It was one of the most shameful parts of recent history.”

John Jillings was also forthright in his assessment:

“What we found was horrific and on a significant scale. If the events in children’s homes in North Wales were to be translated into a film, Oliver Twist would seem relatively benign. The scale of what happened, and how it was allowed, are a disgrace, and stain on the history of child care in this country.”

Despite claims that all copies of the Jillings Report had been destroyed, in November 2012 Flintshire County Council uncovered a copy in their archive. The six north Wales councils took legal advice about whether it could be made available under Freedom of Information legislation.

A redacted version of the report was finally published in July 2013, after a request by the BBC under the Freedom of Information Act. It said that: “Our investigations have led us to conclude that the abuse of children and young people in Clwyd residential units has been extensive, and has taken place over a substantial number of years….

“It is clear that, in a significant number of cases, the lives of young people who have been through the care system in Clwyd have been severely disrupted and disturbed.” It severely criticised North Wales Police, and stated that “the most striking fact to emerge is that five men who shared in common their employment as residential care workers at Bryn Estyn were convicted of serious offences involving at least 24 young people.”

Margaret Thatcher with William Hague

Anti-paedophile investigation

On 17 December 2012 it was reported that Operation Pallial had received information from 105 possible victims of abuse in North Wales care homes, across 22 police force areas across the UK and Ireland.

Senior investigating officer Detective Superintendent Ian Mulcahey of Merseyside Police said that “Operation Pallial is investigating new allegations of historic child abuse, some from victims previously known about and some from victims who have come forward for the first time. All victims of abuse have a right to expect all allegations of abuse, no matter how much time has passed, to be investigated professionally and appropriately. We will do so. Equally importantly, if offenders are still alive they must be identified, investigated and brought to justice, with those who still have access to children being prioritised.”

The report of Phase One of Operation Pallial was published on 29 April 2013. It set out a total of 140 allegations of abuse, involving girls and boys between the ages of 7 and 19, at 18 children’s homes in north Wales between 1963 and 1992. During the inquiry, 76 new complainants came forward, and the police reported allegations against 84 individuals, of whom 16 had been named by more than one complainant. Some of those named were deceased. The Chief Constable of North Wales, Mark Polin, said: “Offenders quite rightly should have to look over their shoulders for the rest of their lives.”

A 71-year-old man, John Allen, appeared in court at Mold on 1 August 2013, charged with 32 serious sexual offences relating to allegations of historical child abuse, and was remanded in custody. On 15 August the police announced that a fifth man, aged 62, had been arrested in connection with Operation Pallial, on suspicion of buggery and indecent assault on two boys in the 1980s. A 52-year old man from Mold was arrested in the St. Helens area on 10 October, on suspicion of child cruelty and indecent assault against four boys and one girl between 1981 and 1988.

North Wales/Westminster link

Significantly, however, the arrests and prosecutions so far involve only on former care home workers. Nothing has been said or done about the evidence of links between the North Wales care homes and the Dolphin Square allegations detailed so long ago by Scallyway magazine.

In particular, John Allen, also known as ‘Sister Latex’ by clients and victims alike, was outed way back then as supplying children to the VIP Westminster paedophile ring.

If Cameron’s new inquiry fails to find these links then we’ll know it’s another cover-up. If it does unveil them, then the scandal is going to be so messy that it will become very clear why his new Cabinet reshuffle has gone out of its way to replace middle aged men with so many unknown, young and inexperienced women.

Certainly, there is so much out there on the Internet that the cover-up is becoming more threadbare every day. Look, for a final example, at this report on Justice Denied:

“The  letter written below is penned  by Simon Regan  Editor of Scallyway Magazine   who’s  half  Brother  Angus  James Wilson,  co-founder of Scallywag,   died  in Cyprus in 1994 whilst the magazine  was investigating  the elite paedophile ring operating in North Wales children’s homes and beyond.”

“In the early nineties, in the now defunct Scallywag magazine, which I founded, we interviewed in some depth twelve former inmates at Bryn Estyn who had all been involved in the Wrexham paedophile ring, which the tribunal acknowledges existed. Most of these interviews were extremely harrowing and disturbing, but were gently and sensitively conducted over pub lunches where the victim could relax. We subsequently persuaded ten of them to make sworn affidavits which we proposed to use as back up to half a dozen paedophile stories we later published.

“Two of these young men, who had been 14-years-old at the time, swore they had been not only introduced to the paedophile ring operating in the Crest Hotel in Wrexham but had later been escorted on three or four occasions to an address in Pimlico where they were further abused.

“We took them separately to Pimlico and asked them to point out the building where this had taken place. They were both positive in their identification. It turned out to be the private flat of a well known, and since highly discredited lobbyist who later went into obscurity in some disgrace because of his involvement with Mohammed al-Fayed and the ‘cash for questions’ scandal. At the time we ran a story entitled ‘Boys for Questions’ and named several prominent members of the then Thatcher government. These allegations went to the very top of the Tory party, yet there was a curious and almost ominous lack of writs.

“The lobbyist was a notorious ‘queen’ who specialised in gay parties with a ‘political mix’ in the Pimlico area – most convenient to the Commons – and which included selected flats in Dolphin Square. The two young men were able to give us very graphic descriptions of just what went on, including acts of buggery, and alleged that they were only two of many from children’s homes other than North Wales.
“There was, to my certain knowledge, at least one resignation from the Conservative office in Smith Square once we had published our evidence and named names.

“Subsequently, over a rent dispute which is still a matter of litigation, Dr. Julian Lewis, now Conservative MP for New Forest (East) but then deputy head of research at Conservative Central Office in Smith Square, managed to purchase the contents of our offices, which included all our files. It had been alleged that we owed rent, which we disputed, but under a court order the landlords were able to change the locks and seize our assets which included all our files, including those we had made on paedophiles. It was apparently quite legal, but it was most certainly a dirty trick.”

All in it together

This article gives only a brief outline of what may be found quite easily in just a couple of hours trawling the Internet. Of course, not everything out there is necessarily true. The leftist Indymedia site, for example, rubbishes the claim by Ben Fellowes that Ken Clarke  (another victim of Cameron’s ‘night of the long knives’) molested him during the filming of an edition of the Cook Report.

Derek Laud is another camp Tory character about whom rumours swirl, but there are plenty of others. Some, in all probability, are innocent, but all have at the very least turned blind eyes and deaf ears to the Westminster Village gossip about what the guilty ones have been up to.

The same, of course, is true of Labour and LibDems. They really have “all been in it (and at it) together”. If just a half of it comes out, the impact of the Expenses Scandal on public trust in the political elite will be small beer compared to what is now on the cards.

William Hauge with Jimmy Saville
William Hauge with Jimmy Saville